السلام عليكم ضروري الى بكرة

بس بغيت معلومات عن السيد حسن نصر الله
لو سمحتون في لسرع وقت ممكن

السلام عليكم ورحمة الله وبركاته..

أختي الحوزائية...تفضلي مني ما أستطعت أن أعثر عليه وهو هذا الموقع..http://www.nasrollah.net/

أتمنى انج تلاقين اللي تبينه...


بنت الدمستاني

Hassan Nasrallah was born in 1960 in the Bourj Hammoud neighborhood of East Beirut, but his family was originally from Bassouriyeh, a village near the city of Tyre in south Lebanon. Although his family was not particularly religious by Lebanese standards, Nasrallah, the eldest of nine children, became obsessed with Islam and began reading fundamentalist literature at an age when most of his peers were playing soccer.

In 1975, the outbreak of civil war in the heart of the Lebanese capital forced his family to return to Bassouriyeh. Nasrallah's move to south Lebanon brought him into contact with the Amal movement of Musa Sadr, a widely revered religious figure who campaigned against the feudalistic Shiite political elite, and he quickly became a member. While attending a public school in Tyre, Nasrallah frequented the city's main mosque and caught the attention of its most influential cleric, Muhammad al-Gharawi. Impressed by the youngster's intelligence and interest in higher theological learning, Gharawi wrote a letter of recommendation on his behalf to Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, one of the leading clerics in the Shiite seminary (hawza) of Najaf in Iraq. The following year, after finishing his secondary education, Nasrallah traveled there to begin his studies.

Upon his arrival in Najaf, Nasrallah met with Baqir, who placed him under the supervision of one of his disciples, Abbas al-Musawi, a Lebanese cleric from the Beqaa Valley. The sixteen-year-old formed a lasting personal bond with his mentor and formulated much of his worldview under his tutelage. Whereas Musa al-Sadr viewed the Lebanese state as a legitimate entity in need of reform and had developed close ties with reform-minded Christian politicians, Musawi and other radical Lebanese seminarians in Najaf refused to accept the state of Lebanon, its current borders, or its consociational power-sharing formula as unassailable facts. Their acknowledged leader was Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, a mujtahid (authority in religious law) who returned to Lebanon from Najaf in 1966. Spurned by Sadr and the Lebanese Shiite clerical establishment, Fadlallah formed the Lebanese Islamic Da'wa Party and ran an independent network of clinics, schools, and charitable associations.

In 1978, hundreds of radical Lebanese clerics and students, including Musawi and Nasrallah, were forced to leave Iraq. Their return to Lebanon coincided with the mysterious disappearance of Sadr during a visit to Libya, whereupon leadership of Amal passed to Nabih Berri, a secular lawyer with close ties to Syria. Under Berri's leadership, Amal alienated many religious Shiites by supporting the Syrian-backed presidency of Elias Sarkis and compromising Sadr's struggle for social and political reforms. The secularization of Amal provided the Najaf deportees with an ideal setting to spread their militant brand of Shiite activism. After his return, Nasrallah studied and taught at a religious institute established by Musawi in Baalbak; his youth, charisma, and impassioned oratory appealed to many estranged young Shiites and he gained an impressive body of followers.

Following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in June 1982, Iran sent several hundred Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) officers into the Beqaa Valley of eastern Lebanon to organize a revolutionary movement aimed at waging jihad against Israeli forces and establishing an Islamic republic in Lebanon. Following the lead of Musawi, Nasrallah quickly left Amal, taking many of his followers with him. The new organization was initially an umbrella group composed of militant pro-Iranian clerics and their followers; most of the spectacular suicide operations against Israeli troops and Western peacekeeping forces from 1982 to 1984 were carried out under cover names, such as the "Revolutionary Justice Organization" and the "Organization of the Oppressed on Earth." In 1985, Hezbollah (Party of God) officially announced its existence in an open letter to a Lebanese newspaper and vowed to wage holy war against Israel and its Western supporters.

Nasrallah distinguished himself as a military commander. In 1987, Hezbollah forces under his command succeeded in driving the Amal militia out of several positions in the southwestern suburbs of Beirut. After Syria stepped in and forced the rival militias to stop fighting, Nasrallah traveled to Iran and resumed his theological studies at the seminary of Qom. This was partly an act of protest against Syria's move into Beirut, but it also stemmed from his recognition that proper (i.e. Iranian) religious credentials were as important as military prowess in assuming a greater leadership role within Hezbollah. In 1989, when fighting between Hezbollah and Amal reignited, Nasrallah again interrupted his religious studies and returned to his homeland, where he led Hezbollah forces in a successful drive against Amal in the Iqlim al-Toufah region of south Lebanon and was lightly wounded in battle. By the end of the decade, he had become head of the group's Central Military Command and a member of its politburo.

At that time, Hezbollah's leadership was deeply fractured. One faction, led by Musawi, advocated acceptance of the 1989 Taif Accord, the political blueprint for Lebanon's Second Republic, which meant a de facto abandonment of Hezbollah's declared goal of establishing an Islamic theocracy and acceptance of Syrian hegemony in Lebanon. Musawi's faction, backed by Fadlallah, also mandated the release of Western hostages held by Hezbollah and a narrower focus on combating Israel. A second faction, headed by Nasrallah and Sayyid Ibrahim al-Amin, who had closer relations with the IRGC and direct control of Western hostages, advocated rejection of the Taif Accord and unrelenting hostility toward the United States.[2]

Although influential Iranian clerics, such as Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, backed the second faction, the first was supported by Iranian President Ali-Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who strove to project a more moderate image of Iran and shore up ties with Syria after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989. As a result of Rafsanjani's success in weakening the hardliners' control over Hezbollah, the first faction emerged victorious at a September 1989 meeting of Hezbollah leaders in Tehran. Nasrallah was subsequently called back to Iran (ostensibly to serve as Hezbollah's representative there) in what appeared to be an effort to sideline him.

In October 1990, Syrian forces invaded East Beirut and swept away the last remnants of Lebanon's First Republic. While all other major militias disarmed and demobilized over the next year as Syria's puppet regime expanded its writ across the country, Hezbollah was allowed to maintain and expand its military presence in south Lebanon on the condition that all major decisions concerning its war against Israeli forces in the so-called "security zone" be cleared with Damascus. The following year, Tehran agreed to replace Hezbollah Secretary-General Sobhi Tufaili with Musawi, who was closer to Damascus, but won Syrian approval for the return of Nasrallah, who began professing "moderate" political views.

In February 1992, Musawi was ambushed and killed in an Israeli helicopter assault. Although Deputy Secretary-General Naim Qassem was next in the line of succession, Nasrallah was appointed to replace his mentor at the insistence of Ayatollah Khamenei.